*Robert ran exhausted. Robert jumped free.
Specifically, each manner of motion verb is associated with the relation move-rel, or one of its subtypes, which is a subtype of act-rel expressing that the actor moves in some way. This relation is defined in the semantic relation hierarchy to have subtypes move-displacement-rel and move-no-displacement-rel, as shown in Figure 4.1, indicating the possibility of the sense extension of these kinds of verbs.
Figure 4.1: Sort hierarchy for Motion relations
Any pseudo-complement which is to be integrated into the lexical semantics of these verbs, then, must be compatible with the mot-rel effect. Path prepositions introduce path phrases which are directly compatible with move-rel verbs, by extending them to type move-displacement-rel. Phrases headed by locative prepositions can easily be construed as a path: the location they specify is taken to be the endpoint of a path via the coercive relationship of endpoint focus (Brugman 1988), mentioned in the previous section. Adjectival phrases (such as exhausted above), however, which cannot be construed as paths are therefore incompatible with the lexical semantics of manner of motion verbs and so cannot modify these verbs. I will not detail these coercions here, but assume that they will function analogously to the Pustejovsky pustejovsky:95a generative type coercions.
Evidence in favor of the lexical encoding of a potential path argument comes from the possibility of contextualisation of this argument: as discussed in Section 4.2.2, and evidenced by example res30, the path of motion can be introduced by context. Under the current proposals, this does not induce or require a sense shift of the verb, the context simply instantiates a potential semantic argument and refines the relation expressed in a sentence.
The pseudo-complements are licensed by lexical rules as described in Section 3.3 of Chapter 3, adding a PP to the subcat list of a verb and unifying the semantics appropriately, if compatible. This unification, however, depends on pragmatic reasoning, as argued above, and as such the unification is marked in the lexical entry but validated in the pragmatic component. Here are some example feature structures.
The lexical entry for the standard use of run.
The lexical entry for the use of run with a
PP pseudo-complement. The semantic contribution of the PP must
unify (either directly or after coercion to a path interpretation)
with the verb semantics, as indicated by the structure sharing
between the PP and the internal thematic structure of the verb,
represented by 
.
The entry in figrun could be combined with a PP headed by to whose lexical entry is shown in d62a (identical to the entry introduced in Section 3.5.1). The lexical rule controlling this combination would produce the entry in figrun2, which specifies unification of the internal verb semantics and the semantics of the PP. This lexical rule would therefore cause the path argument of the verb to be specified to the value expressed by the PP, and would prevent the addition of a PP to the subcat list of a verb which does not express a go-rel effect.
This analysis also accounts for the data cited by Wechsler (1996), introduced in w5 and repeated here as resalt49.
The wise men followed the star out of Bethlehem. The sailors rode a breeze clear of the rocks.
The verbs follow and ride each subcategorise for a direct object. In addition, since they are motion verbs, they are represented as move-rels. The path is introduced via pseudo-complementation by the path PPs, which extends the relation to move-eff-rel.
This analysis finally also accounts (in contrast to Goldberg 1995) for the infelicity of certain movement verbs in a directed motion context: e.g. resalt101, repeated here as resalt102.
*Mildred exercised into the room.
Exercise is a verb which expresses movement, but not movement along a path. It differs from other motion verbs in that it does not allow a potential path argument in its lexical semantics, in that it has semantics of type move-no-displacement-rel. Pseudo-complementation cannot apply, only standard adjunction, therefore accounting for the unambiguity of resalt103, for which the prepositional phrase can only be construed as situating the event in space, not as expressing the direction of the motion.
Mildred exercised in the room.
